tion which involved questions of private law. 231 What the politician and the lawyer had in common was this—a conviction that the Americans themselves were the proper judges of what was applicable to their situation. preme Court applied this rule, although the statute did not extend to the colonies. Cf. King v. Sealey and Jackson (MS Mins. N.Y. Sup. Ct. Jud. [Rough], 1764-67, 15); King v. Neeley and Stephens (ibid., 22); King v. Kain (MS Mins. N.Y. Sup. Ct. Jud. [Engrossed], 1764- 66, 100). 231 There was some fear abroad in the colonies that if the colonies were regarded as conquered countries the inhabitants might be held to have forfeited part of their English liberties. On May 26, 1768, it was accordingly resolved in the Maryland lower house that "this province is not under the circumstances of a conquered country"; that "if there be any pretence of conquest, it can be only supposed against the native indian infidels; which supposition cannot be admitted, because the Christian inhabitants purchased great part of the land they at first took up, from the indians, as well as from the lord proprietary"; that "this province hath always hitherto had the common law, and such general statutes of England as are securitative of the rights and liberties of the subject, and such acts of assembly as were made in the province to suit its particular constitution, as the rule and standard of its government and judicature" (61 Md. Archives, 330-31). Edward Long (1 The History of Jamaica [1774], 160-62) made a similar comment as follows: "The island of Jamaica being originally conquered from the Spaniards, settled by natural-born subjects of England, and at die national expence, there can be no pretence to question their title to the benefit of all the laws of England then existing, and the rights of Englishmen. These were their true, legitimate and undoubted inheritance, at the time of the conquest. I know that some antient reporters of law-cases have laid it down for found doctrine, 'uhat the West-Indian islands, being originally gotten by Conquest, or by some planting themselves there, the king may govern them as he will.' Nothing can more expose the absurdity of such an opinion, literally understood, than the position into which it is resolvable, and which amounts in effect to this, viz. if any English forces shall conquer, or any English adventurers possess themselves, of an island in the West Indies, and thereby extend the empire, and add to the trade and opulence of England, the Englishmen, so possessing and planting such territory, ought, in consideration of the great service thereby effected to their nation, immediately to be treated as aliens, forfeit all the rights of English subjects, and be left to the mercy of an absolute and arbitrary form of government; for such is a government founded and dependant upon the sovreign's will. This is no unfair construction of the maxim I have cited, yet it has received countenance from some other Law Reports, which assert, that 'The King, having conquered a country possessed by foreigners, gains by saving their lives' (i.e. by not murdering them in cool blood), 'a right and property in such people, and may impose on them what law he pleases [citing Dyer, 224; Vaughan 281]. The books inform us, that this savage doctrine was founded on a determination of the lords of the privy-council, at a colony appeal; and they most probably deduced it from the civil codes, whose institutes were framed for, and received by, enslaved nations. Wherever their lordships found it, their determination on this or any other constitutional point is not law (I mean the law of the land) and ought not therefore to have admittance amongst those collections of sage authorities which are to form the rule of judgement in our English courts of law." If the maxim applied to the conquered, not the conquerors, it was still not applicable, for by the fifth article of capitulation certain inhabitants were permitted to stay on the island "they submitting and conforming to the laws and government of the English nation." The conquerors could not have made this assurance unless at the time they were in absolute possession themselves of those laws and government. While approving the doctrine set forth at 2 Peere Williams 75 and 2 Sal\eld 411, Long stated, citing Vattel, that "More modern civilians would have instructed their lordships of the privy-council, that, 'when a nadon takes possession of a distant country, and settles a colony there, that country, though separated from the principal establishment, or mother country, naturally becomes a part of the state equally with its original possessions.' " Territory conquered at the national expense should be annexed to the sovereignty and become an additional member to the ancient dominion of the realm.