successor. In its achievements it suffers little in comparison with the eighteenth-century Privy Council. Some of the greatest judges of that age —Holt, Hardwicke, Willes, Northington, and Mansfield—participated in appellate hearings there, but the Privy Council's contributions to the whole body of law were of the slightest. 180 There remains to be considered one further problem—the matter of imperial enactment. Because this was once a burning issue in our own history, it has been largely discussed, and mainly in the terms in which it confronted the American colonists. The question had somewhat different dimensions in the Middle Ages and assumes its proper proportions only if one starts with the premise that initially the law-speaking function is a whole thing. To state this more precisely, so long as custom is the chief constituent of the law men live by, official pronouncement on the law is declaratory of something continuously in esse, even if just discovered. In consequence, whether such pronouncements are by way of judgment or are merely expository, whether they state something of indisputable antiquity or propound something novel, it is all one. The distinctions which come to be drawn in terms of the provenience of rules are by force of changes in the agencies of pronouncement. In feudal practice a single agency discharges the law-speaking function in all its aspects, and whatever the prerogatives of courtkeepers in the various echelons of the structure, 161 the participation and consensus of those who owe suit in curia is in theory indispensable. 162 This principle, had it been rigorously applied in the several dominions of the English King, would have resulted that at the top level only Irish chief tenants would have been competent on Irish matters, or Gascons on Gascon matters. This did not happen, partly because of changes in the composition and character of the dominion councils and partly because the capacities of the suzerain were altered through the promotion of the kingly office. The reasons of practicality and convenience which had made the great officeholder as indispensable in the English Curia Regis as the tenant in capite also had their effect upon the constitution of the local councils in Ireland 160 Infra, pp. 464, 661. 161 Early manifestations of a courtkeeper's legislative power are discussed in 1 Goebel, Felony and Misdemeanor, 229 et seq. 162 The elements which combine to make consensus necessary are various. The contractual relation of lord and man, contemplates among other things the protection of the man's legal rights. These are asserted before the association of vassals similarly bound (viz., the curia). Any pronouncement which involves either the details of the contract or the underlying law upon which this rests needs the agreement of those similarly under contract and living by the same law. The term judicium parium embraces this as well as the more widely discussed status aspect. On the development of this, see Mitteis, Lehnrecht und Staatsgewalt, 82 et seq., 292. Cf. as to England, Stenton, First Century of English Feudalism 1066-1166, 35 et seq. Clarke, Medieval Representation and Consent (1936), 247, confines the discussion of consensus too closely to the tax power.